| Peer-Reviewed

Effectiveness of Multitrack Diplomacy Actors in Critical Assessment of Kenya’s Presidential Election Outcomes, 2007-2017

Received: 25 June 2021    Accepted: 5 July 2021    Published: 23 August 2021
Views:       Downloads:
Abstract

In Kenya’s last four presidential elections, election observers had been seriously looked upon by both the Kenyan voters and the international community to provide alternative but credible information on the process and outcomes of presidential elections in Kenya. This was expected to promote legitimacy of the outcomes. Given that there was a dearth of specific scholarship to address the question, this study was conducted. This paper therefore examines the effectiveness of multitrack diplomacy in monitoring Kenya’s presidential election outcomes. The study was epistemological. It was conducted in 8 of the 17 constituencies of Nairobi City County which hosts the Kenya’s largest city and its capital with a natural representation of the population of the entire country. Out of the over 4 million residents of Nairobi City County, total sample size was 441 (384 questionnaire respondents, 32 focus group discussion participants and 25 key informant interview respondents). The study reached 436 (384 questionnaire respondents, 32 focus group discussion participants and 20 key informant interview respondents) out of 4 million people. Targeted were Kenya citizens who had voted at least once for a presidential candidate in any of the presidential elections held between 2007 and 2017 for the survey; individuals working with and for government institutions in Kenya’s electoral systems especially the election management body, ministry of foreign affairs, members of parliament, the Chief Justice, pollsters, the media, non-governmental organizations, religious institutions across all faiths as to Muslims, Christians and Hindu, major political parties, former election observers and diplomatic missions. The study found that multitrack diplomacy (MTD) actors or election observer missions (EOMs) observed election irregularities to above 50%. They detected electoral fraud in the 2007 presidential elections, identified election irregularities in the 2013 and the 2017 presidential elections but could not deter nor prevent outcome fraud. The paper, based on the study, concluded that multitrack diplomacy actors that monitored the presidential elections were fairly effective, they had reasonable capacity, fairly above 50%. Overall, multitrack diplomacy is effective in monitoring of Kenya’s presidential election but inefficacious in preventing and deterring election outcome fraud. Multitrack diplomacy actors-the election observation missions (EOMs) to use enhanced technology to match the electoral systems technology, improve on their objectivity during monitoring and be granted full accesses by governments and election management bodies (EMBs) for systematic, comprehensive and accurate monitoring.

Published in Journal of Political Science and International Relations (Volume 4, Issue 3)
DOI 10.11648/j.jpsir.20210403.13
Page(s) 83-95
Creative Commons

This is an Open Access article, distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/), which permits unrestricted use, distribution and reproduction in any medium or format, provided the original work is properly cited.

Copyright

Copyright © The Author(s), 2021. Published by Science Publishing Group

Keywords

Accurate, Assessment, Capacity, Comprehensive, Critical, Systematic

References
[1] African Union. (2020). African union election observer mission to the 7 December 2020 presidential and parliamentary elections in Ghana (Preliminary Report). https://au.int/en/pressreleases/20201204/arrival-head-african-union-election-observation-mission-ghana.
[2] Commonwealth Secretariat. (2018). Kenya General Elections 7 August 2017: Report of the Commonwealth Observer Group. Commonwealth Secretariat. https://books.thecommonwealth.org.
[3] Commonwealth Secretariat. (2006). Kenya General Election 27 December 2002. Commonwealth Election Reports. https://books.thecommonwealth.org.
[4] Democracy International. (2014, July). Egypt presidential election observation report. Democracy International Inc.
[5] Diamond, L. & McDonald, J. (1996). Multi-track diplomacy: A Systems Approach to Peace. Kumarian Press.
[6] Damdinjav, M., Garcia, I., Lawson, E., Margolis, D. & Nemeth, B. (2013 Spring). Institutional failure in Kenya and a way forward. Journal of Political Inquiry, 1-25. New York University.
[7] DRI. (2011). International consensus Essential elements of democracy. Democracy-reporting.org. https://democracy-reporting.org/dri_publications/international-.
[8] European Union Election Observer Mission Kenya. 2017. (2018). Republic of Kenya 2017 general Elections final report (10 January 2018). http://www.eods.eu/library/eu_eom_kenya_2017_preliminary_statement_31_october_final.pdf.
[9] Gibson, C. and Zimmerman, B. (2015). Democratization in Africa. In Oxford Bibliographies in Political Science. Ed. Sandy Maisel. Oxford University Press.
[10] Hyde, S. D. (2011). Catch Us If You Can: Election Observation and International Norm Diffusion. Midwest Political Science Association. Doi: 10.1111/j.1540-5907.2011.00508.x.
[11] Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commissions, Kenya. (2018). Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission post- election evaluation report: For the 2017 general election and the fresh presidential election. IEBC Kenya.
[12] International Republican Institute. (2008a). Election Observation Report: Kenya's 2007 Presidential, Parliamentary and Local Elections. http://www.iri.org/sites/default/files/Kenya%27s%202007%20Presidental,%20Parliamentary%20and%20Local%20Elections.pdf.
[13] Kelley, J. (2009). D-Minus Elections: The Politics and Norms of International Election Observation. International Organization, 63, no. 4, 765-787.
[14] Kelley, J. (2010). Election observers and their biases. Journal of democracy, 21 (3), 158-172.
[15] Kriegler, J. & IREC. (2008). Report of the Independent Review Commission on the General Elections held in Kenya on 27 December 2007. IREC.
[16] Mapendere, J. (2000). Track one and a half diplomacy and the complementarity of tracks. COPOJ – Culture of Peace Online Journal, 2 (1), 66-81. Carter Center.
[17] Muna & Hong, N. and Hong, D. U. (2017). International Observers, and the Monitoring of National Elections. In: Democracy and Electoral Politics in Zambia., 313–333. https://doi.org/10.1163/9789004430440_014.
[18] National Democratic Institute (2002). NDI Election Watch, Kenya 2002 elections. National Democratic Institute. https://www.ndi.org.
[19] Natolooka, K. (2017). The efficacy of multi-track diplomacy in resolving intrastate and internationalized conflicts in Africa: the case of the 2007/2008 post-election violence in Kenya (Doctoral dissertation). Rhodes University.
[20] Nginya, M. (2018). “International election observers in Kenya’s 2017 elections: Impartial or partisan?” Journal of African Elections. doi: 10.20940/JAE/2018/v17i1a3.
[21] Norris, P, Frank, W. R., & Coma, i M. F. (2013 October). Assessing the Quality of Elections. Journal of Democracy, 24 (4), 124-135. The Johns Hopkins University Press. doi: 10.1353/jod.2013.0063.
[22] OAS. (2020). Preliminary statement of the OAS electoral observer mission for the November 3, 2020 general elections in the United States of America. OAS Press.https://www.oas.org/en/media_center/press_release.asp?sCodigo=S020/.
[23] Odote, C. & Musumba, L. (Eds) (2016). Introduction. In C. Odote & L. Musumba (Eds.), Balancing the scales of electoral justice: 2013 Kenyan election disputes resolution and emerging jurisprudence. International Development Law Organization (IDLO) and Judicial Training Institute (JTI).
[24] Ongoro, L. A. (2010). Democracy and elections in Africa: the case of Kenya, 2007 – 2012 (Master’s project).
[25] OSCE/ODIHR, (2004). Handbook for Monitoring Women’s Participation in Elections. OSCE/ODIHR. https://www.osce.org/odihr/elections/13938.
[26] Otieno, F. (2015). New constitution, same old challenges: reflections on Kenya’s 2013 general elections. Society for International Development (SID)/ Uraia Trust.
[27] Shah, S. (2015). Local versus international standards of elections assessment: Kenya’s 2013 general elections. In F. Otieno (Ed). New constitution, same old challenges: reflections on Kenya’s 2013 general elections (36-46). Society for International Development (SID)/ Uraia Trust.
[28] The Carter Center (2018). Kenya: Final Report, 2017 Kenya General and Presidential Elections. https://www.cartercenter.org/news/pr/kenya- 030718.html.
[29] United Nations. (2005). Secretary-general endorses principles for election observation, calls on international community to make full use of guidelines. https://www.un.org/press/en/2005/sgsm10190.doc.htm.
Cite This Article
  • APA Style

    David Owuor Okoth Sanmac, Pontian Godfrey Okoth, Elijah Onyango Standslause Odhiambo. (2021). Effectiveness of Multitrack Diplomacy Actors in Critical Assessment of Kenya’s Presidential Election Outcomes, 2007-2017. Journal of Political Science and International Relations, 4(3), 83-95. https://doi.org/10.11648/j.jpsir.20210403.13

    Copy | Download

    ACS Style

    David Owuor Okoth Sanmac; Pontian Godfrey Okoth; Elijah Onyango Standslause Odhiambo. Effectiveness of Multitrack Diplomacy Actors in Critical Assessment of Kenya’s Presidential Election Outcomes, 2007-2017. J. Polit. Sci. Int. Relat. 2021, 4(3), 83-95. doi: 10.11648/j.jpsir.20210403.13

    Copy | Download

    AMA Style

    David Owuor Okoth Sanmac, Pontian Godfrey Okoth, Elijah Onyango Standslause Odhiambo. Effectiveness of Multitrack Diplomacy Actors in Critical Assessment of Kenya’s Presidential Election Outcomes, 2007-2017. J Polit Sci Int Relat. 2021;4(3):83-95. doi: 10.11648/j.jpsir.20210403.13

    Copy | Download

  • @article{10.11648/j.jpsir.20210403.13,
      author = {David Owuor Okoth Sanmac and Pontian Godfrey Okoth and Elijah Onyango Standslause Odhiambo},
      title = {Effectiveness of Multitrack Diplomacy Actors in Critical Assessment of Kenya’s Presidential Election Outcomes, 2007-2017},
      journal = {Journal of Political Science and International Relations},
      volume = {4},
      number = {3},
      pages = {83-95},
      doi = {10.11648/j.jpsir.20210403.13},
      url = {https://doi.org/10.11648/j.jpsir.20210403.13},
      eprint = {https://article.sciencepublishinggroup.com/pdf/10.11648.j.jpsir.20210403.13},
      abstract = {In Kenya’s last four presidential elections, election observers had been seriously looked upon by both the Kenyan voters and the international community to provide alternative but credible information on the process and outcomes of presidential elections in Kenya. This was expected to promote legitimacy of the outcomes. Given that there was a dearth of specific scholarship to address the question, this study was conducted. This paper therefore examines the effectiveness of multitrack diplomacy in monitoring Kenya’s presidential election outcomes. The study was epistemological. It was conducted in 8 of the 17 constituencies of Nairobi City County which hosts the Kenya’s largest city and its capital with a natural representation of the population of the entire country. Out of the over 4 million residents of Nairobi City County, total sample size was 441 (384 questionnaire respondents, 32 focus group discussion participants and 25 key informant interview respondents). The study reached 436 (384 questionnaire respondents, 32 focus group discussion participants and 20 key informant interview respondents) out of 4 million people. Targeted were Kenya citizens who had voted at least once for a presidential candidate in any of the presidential elections held between 2007 and 2017 for the survey; individuals working with and for government institutions in Kenya’s electoral systems especially the election management body, ministry of foreign affairs, members of parliament, the Chief Justice, pollsters, the media, non-governmental organizations, religious institutions across all faiths as to Muslims, Christians and Hindu, major political parties, former election observers and diplomatic missions. The study found that multitrack diplomacy (MTD) actors or election observer missions (EOMs) observed election irregularities to above 50%. They detected electoral fraud in the 2007 presidential elections, identified election irregularities in the 2013 and the 2017 presidential elections but could not deter nor prevent outcome fraud. The paper, based on the study, concluded that multitrack diplomacy actors that monitored the presidential elections were fairly effective, they had reasonable capacity, fairly above 50%. Overall, multitrack diplomacy is effective in monitoring of Kenya’s presidential election but inefficacious in preventing and deterring election outcome fraud. Multitrack diplomacy actors-the election observation missions (EOMs) to use enhanced technology to match the electoral systems technology, improve on their objectivity during monitoring and be granted full accesses by governments and election management bodies (EMBs) for systematic, comprehensive and accurate monitoring.},
     year = {2021}
    }
    

    Copy | Download

  • TY  - JOUR
    T1  - Effectiveness of Multitrack Diplomacy Actors in Critical Assessment of Kenya’s Presidential Election Outcomes, 2007-2017
    AU  - David Owuor Okoth Sanmac
    AU  - Pontian Godfrey Okoth
    AU  - Elijah Onyango Standslause Odhiambo
    Y1  - 2021/08/23
    PY  - 2021
    N1  - https://doi.org/10.11648/j.jpsir.20210403.13
    DO  - 10.11648/j.jpsir.20210403.13
    T2  - Journal of Political Science and International Relations
    JF  - Journal of Political Science and International Relations
    JO  - Journal of Political Science and International Relations
    SP  - 83
    EP  - 95
    PB  - Science Publishing Group
    SN  - 2640-2785
    UR  - https://doi.org/10.11648/j.jpsir.20210403.13
    AB  - In Kenya’s last four presidential elections, election observers had been seriously looked upon by both the Kenyan voters and the international community to provide alternative but credible information on the process and outcomes of presidential elections in Kenya. This was expected to promote legitimacy of the outcomes. Given that there was a dearth of specific scholarship to address the question, this study was conducted. This paper therefore examines the effectiveness of multitrack diplomacy in monitoring Kenya’s presidential election outcomes. The study was epistemological. It was conducted in 8 of the 17 constituencies of Nairobi City County which hosts the Kenya’s largest city and its capital with a natural representation of the population of the entire country. Out of the over 4 million residents of Nairobi City County, total sample size was 441 (384 questionnaire respondents, 32 focus group discussion participants and 25 key informant interview respondents). The study reached 436 (384 questionnaire respondents, 32 focus group discussion participants and 20 key informant interview respondents) out of 4 million people. Targeted were Kenya citizens who had voted at least once for a presidential candidate in any of the presidential elections held between 2007 and 2017 for the survey; individuals working with and for government institutions in Kenya’s electoral systems especially the election management body, ministry of foreign affairs, members of parliament, the Chief Justice, pollsters, the media, non-governmental organizations, religious institutions across all faiths as to Muslims, Christians and Hindu, major political parties, former election observers and diplomatic missions. The study found that multitrack diplomacy (MTD) actors or election observer missions (EOMs) observed election irregularities to above 50%. They detected electoral fraud in the 2007 presidential elections, identified election irregularities in the 2013 and the 2017 presidential elections but could not deter nor prevent outcome fraud. The paper, based on the study, concluded that multitrack diplomacy actors that monitored the presidential elections were fairly effective, they had reasonable capacity, fairly above 50%. Overall, multitrack diplomacy is effective in monitoring of Kenya’s presidential election but inefficacious in preventing and deterring election outcome fraud. Multitrack diplomacy actors-the election observation missions (EOMs) to use enhanced technology to match the electoral systems technology, improve on their objectivity during monitoring and be granted full accesses by governments and election management bodies (EMBs) for systematic, comprehensive and accurate monitoring.
    VL  - 4
    IS  - 3
    ER  - 

    Copy | Download

Author Information
  • School of Disaster Management and Humanitarian Assistance, Masinde Muliro University of Science and Technology, Kakamega, Kenya

  • Department of Peace and Conflict Studies, School of Disaster Management and Humanitarian Assistance, Masinde Muliro University of Science and Technology, Kakamega, Kenya

  • Department of Political Science and International Relations, School of Arts and Social Science, Bomet University College, Bomet, Kenya

  • Sections